archaeology

By Peter J.M. Nas
University of Leiden, 1997

Introduction

    The knowledge of the early Indonesian cities, their lay-out, architecture and social life, is quite fragmentary. It is mainly based on the following sources: inscriptions; pictures from temple reliefs; classic Indonesian literature; Chinese, Indian, Arab, Portuguese, and Dutch accounts; and archaeological remains. Many scholars have devoted their scientific work to unravel these data by means of translation, interpretation and comparison. This has led to results from which a general picture of the classic Indonesian cities can be deduced, particularly of the cities of Sriwijaya, Majapahit, and Banten. Moreover, the recognition of a certain degree of diversity of early Indonesian cities is inferred. These cities are supposed to show differences related to their location on the coast or in the inland. Their place in the historical development of the area, which is characterized by the subsequent influence of Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam, also has to be taken into account. The early Indonesian cities, and because of their international markets particularly the coastal cities, are considered meeting points for different cultures and places from where foreign influences penetrated into the hinterlands. Notwithstanding their variety, the classic Indonesian cities are considered to have assumed a specific character which is quite distinct from colonial and contemporary urban settlements. They are supposed to have grown from "a congeries of acephalous societies" which were "converted into an integral, pyramidal polity" with more or less permanent supra-local units of kinship organization, and from these chiefdom-style entities further into states "sustained by a bureaucracy operating basically on rational-legal principles and staffed by officials". These developments are compatible with various settlement patterns, such as towns consisting of dispersed settlements; ceremonial centers surrounded by dispersed settlements; the single large compact settlement of the city state; and the compact, permanent settlement which binds the substantial outside population by centralizing leadership.

Sriwijaya

    "When the king goes out, he sits in a boat; his body has a mau-pu (sarong) wrapped around it. He is sheltered by a silk umbrella and guarded by men bearing golden lances. The people either lived scattered about outside the city, or on the water on rafts of boards covered over with reeds, and these are exempt from taxation. They are skilled at fighting on land or water. When they are about to make war on another state they assemble and send forth such a force as the occasion demands. They (then) appoint chiefs and leaders, and all provide their own military equipment and the necessary provisions. In facing the enemy and craving death they have not their equal among nations."

    This is the way Chau Ju Kua describes the position of the ruler in Sriwijaya, the most important ancient kingdom in Sumatra, of which the capital was probably located near present-day Palembang, although Jambi also might have been capital of this kingdom for a period. In a mixture of fantasy and fact he gives more details about the power which Sriwijaya exercised over foreign shipping.

    "This country, lying in the ocean and controlling the straits through which the foreigners’ sea and land traffic in either direction must pass, in olden times used an iron chain as a barrier to keep the pirates of other countries in check. It could be kept up or lowered by a cunning device. If a merchant ship arrived it was lowered. After a number of years of peace, during which there has been no use for it, it has been removed and (now) lies coiled upon the shore. The natives reverence it like a Buddha, and vessels coming there sacrifice to it. When rubbed with oil it shines like new. Crocodiles do not dare pass over it to do mischief. If a merchant ship passes by without entering, their boats go forth to make a combined attack, and all are ready to die (in the attempt). This is the reason why this country is a great shipping centre."

    The influence of Sriwijaya was extremely far-reaching and it had its peak in the thirteenth century. At a certain time it probably was what is termed a binodal state consisting of the city of Sriwijaya in the south on the Straits of Malacca and the city of Kedah in the north on the Malaya peninsula. As it owed its origins to a trading empire, the capital had an important function as entrepôt. The aim of Sriwijaya was to establish a monopoly and it established a hegemony over Jambi, Lampung, the littoral of the Malay Peninsula, and the isthmus of Kra.

    Its importance can also be deduced from the fact that it sent ambassadors to China and maintained cloisters in South India. The ruler owned ships. Ruler and the aristocracy were engaged in trade and taxed the transit trade; as well as holding the staple rights. This meant that passing traders and ships were forced to sell their goods there. The trade commodities included tin, gold, ivory, spices, fine sorts of timber, and camphor. War and piracy contributed to the means of livelihood. However, these activities also had a shadow side. In 1025, namely, the mighty Tjola state of South India attacked Sriwijaya. The capital of Sriwijaya was not just a capital and commercial city, it also functioned as a cultural centre. In AD 671 there were already more than a thousand Buddhist monks there.

    Unfortunately very little is known about the morphological structure of Sriwijaya. The reason for this is that most of the buildings were made of perishable materials, little of which has survived. The city, most probably the palace area, was surrounded by a brick wall.

    The ordinary population lived either outside the confines of the wall, or on rafts moored to the banks of the river. The hinterland of the city was sparsely populated and was scarcely cultivated.

    Sriwijaya probably evolved in the seventh century. At the end of the thirteenth century war broke out with Majapahit in East Java and Sriwijaya was forced to surrender some of its power. In the fourteenth century it even became a Javanese vassal. In the wake of an insurrection, it was punished by a Javanese fleet but, for the most part, the Javanese left the kingdom to its fate. Burger thinks that the Chinese then assumed power. A Chinese leader, who had roamed the seas for years, seized power and around 1400 the petty state was little more than a pirates’ lair, with a capital called Kien-Kiang.

    The decline of Sriwijaya can be largely attributed to its pursuance of exclusive trade policy. This engendered rivalry and conflict. The advent of Islam caused the final eclipse of this Hindu kingdom. Many left the capital and very few traders still came there.

    After this, Palembang fell under the sphere of influence of Banten and for a very long while little is known about it.

Majapahit

    The city of Majapahit prospered during the fourteenth century and was the largest of the old cities on Java. In comparison with Sriwijaya it is well documented, especially because of the work of Prapanca, the Nagarakrtagama, translated and commented upon by various scholars among others N.J. Krom, W.F. Stutterheim, Th. Pigeaud, Supomo S. and S. Robson. The archeological remains have been described by H. Maclaine Pont and the staff of the Indonesian National Research Centre for Archaeology. I will draw a sketch here, based on the works of Pigeaud.

    The kraton of Majapahit was called pura by Prapanca, the core of the kraton puri, and the capital (kraton including environments) negara. Pigeaud presents quite a detailed description of all these parts and also of the state as a whole. Majapahit was situated west of present-day Mojokerto on the river Brantas, East Java. The city had no bastions and may be considered as a complex of compounds separated by wide roads and large squares and open fields. The compounds had several courtyards with trees and open pavilions. The compounds and courtyards were encircled by walls and fences. In the central part the family of the head of the household lived. Other less central parts were occupied by servants and guests or used for ceremonial activities. The squares in the city were used for public activities such as the market, public gatherings, festivities and plays. The city was very spread-out, it was more like a large park than a compact city and its fringes imperceptibly merged into the countryside.

    Pigeaud made the daring effort to construct a map of the city of Majapahit. The kraton had a high, thick wall of red bricks with a gate in the northern part giving access to the royal compound. In this compound a great, white tower was located. Within the walled area there were other compounds for the family of the king, royal guards, court officials and so on. In front of the northern gate was a large field with more to the west a ring for cock fights and east of the field a redoubt. At a somewhat greater distance a meeting hall and a market were situated. Outside the other walls laid the dwellings of the religious authorities attached to the court: to the east the Shivaite and the south the Buddhist monks. The houses of the royal kinsmen were found at the west side. There was no alun-alun south of the kraton. Beside the kraton there were other compounds.

    This reconstruction of the map of the city is a very provisional one, as the translation of the Nagarakrtagama comprises many uncertainties. Science goes on and Supomo and Robson have made a large number of critical remarks about the representation made by Pigeaud. One speaking example is the sentence element that is refers to the ring for cockfights, but according to the critics should mean something like encircled by water. From these and other substantial points of disagreement the conclusion should be drawn that at the present state of knowledge it is impossible to construct an unambiguous map of the city of Majapahit. Yet, it is clear that the build-up areas comprised the palace of the king, living units of the common people, ceremonial centers, and artisanal zones, and that the palace was walled. Furthermore that different groups such as the Shivaite and Bhuddist monks were concentrated at particular places. Soejatmi Satari adds to this the existence of a elaborate canal system. Such an extensive system proves that the city of Majapahit comprised a large settlement with considerable population.

    The city was not planned, for town planning was only introduced by foreigners later. The city was not built arbitrary, however. Its morphological structure was mainly determined by the cosmic and dualistic tradition, stressing the directions of the compass, the contradistinction between the western royal and eastern princely kraton relating to each other as sun and moon, the contradistinction between religious and profane authority and so on. The social structure and religious ideas became clear within the lay-out of the city.

    Majapahit was located at some distance from the river Brantas. Its port on this river was called Bubat, which was inhabited by foreign traders from e.g. India and China, probably living in separate wards. Other ports which were part of the state were Surabaya, Gresik and Tuban. Smaller settlements were Singasari, Bayalanges, Patukangan, Sadeng, Keta, Pajarakan and Gending. The state territory of Majapahit was divided into two parts, Janggala downstream and Kadiri upstream. These parts were associated respectively with rural communities and aristocratic domains.

    Transport in Majapahit was mainly carried out by water: sea and river. The river Brantas which was particularly important for the transportation of goods to Bubat from the sea, must have been much larger in those days than it is now. Because of deforestation the flow of water has certainly decreased. Transport over land mostly took place by ox-cart, which covered long distances in numerous caravans. Persons and goods were transported, as well as rice, spices, meat, fish and valuables. Toll-money was levied on roads and waterways.

    According to Burger, Majapahit has to be considered both a land and a maritime power. Its influence covered almost the total area of Indonesia to-day with in addition parts of the Malay Peninsula with the exception of West Java, the southern part of Central Java and North Sulawesi. Subordination meant that a tribute had to be paid, but the areas located at a great distance were merely spheres of influence. Majapahit had a strong fleet to conquer other territories and send out punitive expeditions. It was a mercantile imperium incorporating coastal cities with a transit function. This went together with a strong agrarian basis of sawah and ladang cultivation. So Legge states that Majapahit combined in its political aspect the characteristics of a mercantile empire and an agrarian state. However, the aristocrats of Majapahit were not traders. Royalty and trade were considered incompatible. Primarily they relied on agriculture.

    Pigeaud discusses four ranks, namely the aristocracy, clergy, peasants and bond-slaves. Foreigners and outcasts were not included in these categories, while craftsmen and artists were not considered a separate group. The social structure in the country was more diverse than is generally assumed. Isolated tribes existed, beside communities of craftsmen and traders, and industrial (salt, sugar) and agrarian villages. Moreover, the royal domains and the estates of the aristocracy and clergy have to be taken into account.

    The political organisation was quite centralized. All the members of the royal family, as well as the most important functionaries, the vizir and the higher clergy lived in the capital. The state was divided into provinces, the most important being Janggala and Kadiri. Outside the capital authority was vested in the hands of local governors and vizirs for worldly matters, and judges and their assistants for spiritual-legal matters, who in their turn most probably had their own clerks. At the court spiritual and worldly matters were clearly separated and moreover were graded.

    The expenditure of the court with its luxurious feasts and abundance of functionaries, soldiers and servants might have been a heavy burden for the peasants who had to produce the surplus. However, the royal and princely activities benefited the countryside also because of the protection given and the incentive for economic development they supplied. In principle the royal family was a unity with at its head the king. Internal disputes formed a threat to this unity and to the survival of Majapahit. After the death of King Hayam Wuruk the factions tried to gain advantage for themselves at the cost of the others and the prosperity of this state and its capital came to an end.

Banten

    Banten is a Javanese coastal town. Maps of its lay-out show a walled town near the sea encircled by a river, a palace, square, mosque, outside the town on the west side a Chinese ward, and on the east side a market place. It was the centre of the state Banten that covered parts of West Java and South Sumatra, and included other settlements as Jayakerta. The state did not rule this territory as a whole, but particularly the population concentrations along the rivers and coasts. It was the successor of Banten Girang located thirteen kilometres to the south. This capital was moved northward to the coast in 1526.

    The town of Banten was situated on the low lands along the sea. The centre was made up by the palace, the kraton, and a large square, the alun-alun, with waringin trees and two flat stones which had a ceremonial meaning when the sultan was inaugurated. The mosque lay on the west side of the alun-alun. The network of roads was rectangular with the main roads leading from the four points of the windrose to the centre. A river flowed in three arms around the town and through the centre. At high water the ships could reach the kraton and war ships lay at the bank of the alun-alun shed by a roof.

    The kraton lay on the south side of the alun-alun. It was a town within the town and consisted of a yard and several buildings encircled by a wall and water. At the back side of the kraton the dwellings of the many servants and guards of the Sultan were situated, as well as the stables and cooking places.

    The nobles lived around the alun-alun. Their compounds were encircled by palisades and sometimes protected by canon. Some had their own prayer house. Their private rooms were on the backside of the house. On the front side were the rooms of the slaves who had to receive the first blow when an attack took place. During the night every house was guarded by to ten persons. Every noble controlled part of the city where at night he had guards patrolling.

    Around the centre the wards or kampung were found. They were inhabited by particular groups along the lines of profession, religion or ethnic origin.

    The town had a brick wall which was in disrepair. The two gates were guarded, but there was not enough ammunition for the canon.

    Foreign merchants lived outside the gates. The Chinese ward was also located outside the town and surrounded by a palisade. Three times a day a market was held respectively on the east side, at the alun-alun and in the Chinese ward. The international trade market at the east side of the town was the most important. The total estimated population of the state of Banten is 100,000. Probably half of them living outside the city walls.

    The people lived in bamboo houses built on piles. The general impression given by the dwellings was very bad. The dwellings of the wealthy people were more spacious and decorated with tapestries and carved woodwork. Danger of fire was great. Traders protected their merchandise against fire by storing it in brick buildings. The houses only had limited value and could be rebuilt in a few days. In contrast, the coconut and fruit trees were considered more valuable. They gave the town a green appearance.

    The streets were not paved. During the wet season the river flooded the town. Some of the visitors to Banten considered the town to be well-planned. Others, however, who were there during the wet monsoon described it as chaotic, because of the floodings. The Dutch did not consider Banten a village at the end of the sixteenth century. They always used the word town in their descriptions.

    Most of the buildings within the walls of Banten were torn down, so that the present-day monuments only constitute a small part of the old city. Except for the colonial remains, such as those of fort Speelwijk, according to Van de Wall, the monuments comprise the mosques, the holy graves and the ruins of the sultans’ residences, consisting of kraton Kaïbon, and Kota Inten (fort Diamond) with its treasury, prayer-rooms, water-palace, aquaduct with bridge and bastions, and country-seat. Michrob and Chudari present an extensive description of the historical development of Banten and the archeological situation in the 1980s.

    The lay-out of the town was the result of the social structure of Banten society, its main source of existence (trade) and its political-mercantile relations with other peoples.

    Banten was an aristocratic town ruled by a king supported by the aristocracy. Each aristocrat ruled part of the town and had at his disposal an armed force of soldiers, mercenaries and slaves. General authority was exercised by a council of aristocrats. In one period the king was not very dominant and a state of anarchy was the rule. The town was very unsafe because of robbery, murder and plunder. The aristocrats used their forces against each other and to protect themselves. In other periods, however, the situation seemed to have been more stable. The position of the king was strong by an excess of manpower and close bonds with the aristocrats among others based on rewards and marriage relations.

    The power of the aristocracy was based on the lord’s due and agricultural work done for the lord. In addition trade and the possession of vessels were important sources of income. The power was legitimised by religious ideas and institutions. Ceremonies sometimes were related to the city as a whole. Colombijn points out that the sultan goes around the city at the occasions of the circumcision of his two sons and six days later in company of religious leaders and aristocrats to free the town from illness.

    The sultans of Banten had relations with various groups of traders and several states. They functioned as intermediaries between the traders and the cultivators of pepper. Foreigners did not exercise a monopoly and had to adapt themselves to the existing trade relations. The rivalries between the various groups of traders such as the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English, were exploited by the king. That we are not dealing with a subordinate ruler of Banten here becomes clear from the unwillingness of the prince of Banten to send an ambassador to the Dutch Governor-General because he was considered merely the head of a group of traders.

    In particular during the seventeenth century under the reign of Sultan Abulfatah Agung (1651-1683) new relations with foreign empires were entered upon, which was why the son of the Sultan travelled to Mecca and Turkey. The Sultan equipped a fleet and strove for the hegemony over West Java. This was the reason that political intrigues were spun and wars fought. The relations with other states played an important role in the internal political arena of Banten and, at the end, in the fate of the city-state. Disputes among parties within the aristocratic elite between the anti-Dutch Sultan and his pro-Dutch son led to the son’s heavy dependence on the Dutch and his succession to the throne. The Company received the trade monopoly in return and because of war-debts Banten became dependent on the Dutch. In the eighteenth century it was merely considered a vassal state of Batavia.

    In addition to the king and the aristocracy, Van Leur distinguishes the group of chief merchants who can be considered as some sort of "bourgeois" patricians. A large part of this group consisted of Chinese traders. They possessed big houses, warehouses, ships, and slaves. Among these patricians wealthy Indians were also to be found. The Chinese were money-lenders as well.

    The large group foreign petty traders lived in the wards on the fringe of the town or outside it. Some had settled permanently, while others came and went with the tides and the monsoon winds. They were Indonesians such as Buginese, Bandanese, Banjarese, Makasarese and people from Ternate and East Java. In addition foreigners were also living there such as Indians, Persians, Arabs, Turks, Chinese, and people from Siam.

    Other groups were the soldiers, mercenaries, and slaves already mentioned. The slaves were also used within the city for manufacture, fishery and probably for commercial activities. According to Burger, slavery was one of the original institutions within the Sultanate of Banten. The inhabitants of the villages, who after the acceptance of Islam, did not want to be converted became slaves and they remained slaves even after there conversion to Islam. It should be noted, by the way, that slavery was a wide spread institution in Indonesia and not at all unique for Banten.

    An important difference between the coastal towns of Java and Sumatra lay in the character of their relations with the hinterland. As becomes clear from the examples of Banten and Sriwijaya the Javanese coastal states had a strong relationship with the agrarian villages, which furnished them with produce. Their existence was not merely based on trade but also on control over the agrarian hinterland. This was much less the case for the Sumatra coastal towns with their underdeveloped surroundings. They were more committed to mercantile activities. The difference between the coastal cities of Java and Sumatra should not be exaggerated, however, as the Sumatran cities were also connected to their wide hinterlands by rivers.

Focal Urbanism

    From the examples presented above the special character of the early Indonesian cities can be deduced.

    The general structure of these cities was determined by the configuration of walled or fenced compounds in which the families lived. Nature had a prominent place within and outside these compounds. Architecture can be characterized as open space architecture with a conglomeration of pavilions, other constructions, open spaces, and so on within the compounds. Sometimes the cities were walled, sometime not depending on the need for defence in the historical period under consideration.

    Their lay-out clearly represented the structure of state power, which schematically resulted in a pattern of concentric circles with the ruler in the middle surrounded by rings of the worldly and religious leaders, the servants, soldiers and artisans, and outside the city the foreign traders and the peasants. Each group had its particular place in the social stratification corresponding with a certain spatial distance to the central point of the city.

    This ordering was also conceptualized as the representation of the cosmos. The city was considered an image of the universe and the main elements such as the principle temples, the kraton, the city walls and moats were ordered in such a way that they reproduced the cosmological heaven. From the Majapahit data we learn that the analogy with sun, moon, and stars was made in reality. The kraton and the sultan were considered the central point of the world. In certain ceremonies the sultan also went around the city, symbolically incorporating the whole under his power and protecting it from evil forces.

    The compound was also conceptualized according to cosmological principles. Not only the city but also the house was seen as the reproduction of the cosmos and the initiation rituals of the house - as well as those related to the founding of the kraton and town - were considered to mirror the act of creation of the world.

    So, the early Indonesian cities were not at all compact cities. As capitals of small states they can be called city-states, but often they dominated large areas with many large and small other settlements. The power structure of the state determined the lay-out of these cities. On the one hand, this power structure was based on religious beliefs related to the king and that is why the cosmological principles played an important role in the spatial forms. On the other hand, it was supported by the control over people. This point is particularly stressed by Reid, who writes:

    "The major point is that manpower, not fixed capital, was regarded as the principal asset which had to be protected in the Southeast Asian city. As we have seen, the population density was very low, and urban centres tended to cluster on the edge of extensive forests. Nature was assumed to be bountiful with the building materials required for a typical house - bamboo, nipah, and logs for the frame. These were all available without cost to anyone who had the labour to gather them. The building of the house was therefore a labour cost only, requiring not more than sixty days’ labour, less than a week’s work for a man with his circle of kin." … "The man who could build a more splendid home was the one who had a much larger circle of dependants, subjects, or slaves to perform the labour. Furniture too was extremely limited. The most important accumulation of capital by the rich was in the form of gold ornaments and receptacles, weapons, and various bronze items such as betel sets, water-carriers, and dishes. There were no inns for visiting traders who were expected to buy or build their own houses. Except in the biggest cities life was based on the presumption of constant mobility. The really important resource of the rich and powerful was their manpower, whether we call them slaves, bondsmen, clients, or subjects."

    This means that the lay-out of the cities was not in first instance determined by the demarcation of space through the price mechanism of land, as is the case in present-day cities, but by the establishment and maintenance of relationships, which only indirectly influenced spatial boundaries. These early Indonesian cities can therefore be defined as a case of focal urbanism in contrast to western local urbanism. They are focused on the power in the centre from where the relationships which reach far into the periphery are structured and take shape spatially as lose conglomerations of compounds in the middle of nature. This special character of early Indonesian urbanism did not hamper the cities to obtain considerable sizes.

    Some of the principles of classic Indonesian lay-out and architecture in their great diversity most probably are still relevant in modern society. Reminiscences of the cities described above are found in contemporary cities, such as the existing kraton compounds in Yogyakarta and Bali, the typical kampung lay-out on Java, the floating rakit-houses of Palembang, and pole-houses found all over the archipelago.

Urban Imagery

    The study of the early Indonesian city - as the study of history in general - cannot be merely considered the unveiling of the past, the search for facts and probable truth. History generally is a perception of the past which is meaningfull for the present, that can be used and even manipulated for contemporary aims. This has also been the case with research on the early Indonesian city. As is made clear by Supomo, in the first half of this century the data on Majapahit and Sriwijaya played an important role in the formation of Indonesian nationalism and nation building. They were at the basis of the idea that the modern Indonesian nation should cover the whole of the Netherlands East Indies, because Majapahit had more or less dominated this area already long before. The results of the scholarly studies of Majapahit and particularly the bright, prosperous image of Majapahit was generally accepted by the Western-educated Indonesians. It became the symbol for new Indonesia.

    In combination with the other symbol, namely Sriwijaya, this Javanese symbol was easier to be accepted by the non-Javanese. Sriwijaya was discovered by George Coedès and it, according to Supomo, "was quickly taken up as another symbol of the glorious past by the leaders of the national movements, and as this new symbol was a Sumatra-based kingdom, it gave the needed balance to deflect criticisms of Javanese domination." These symbols were not undisputed, because of the imperialistic nature of both Majapahit and Sriwijaya. Their function in support of nationalism was quite clear and their image probably was and still is quite conflated. Moreover, in search of alternatives to support their contemporary ideals, it is particularly Muslim scholars who refer to the classic sultanate cities, such as Banten, that make up the glorious past in which the new Indonesia is rooted.

Conclusion

    The urbanization of Indonesia was substantial before the colonial influences from Europe began to evolve. Two types of cities are generally distinguished, namely coastal cities, such as Sriwijaya and Banten, and inland cities, such as Majapahit. The coastal cities had great numbers of foreign traders and were supposed to display another social atmosphere more favourable to change through external influences than the inland cities which probably were more bound to the logic of traditional dynamics. This difference is sometimes indicated by application of the concepts of heterogenetic and orthogenetic change developed by Redfield and Singer on these two types of cities. Moreover, the most important means of existence of the coastal cities was trade, while the inland cities were strongly based on agriculture.

    However, these sets of differences should not be exaggerated. Inland and coastal cities were both related to and even based on trade as well as agriculture, and both were city-states focused on the power of the kraton with all the related cosmological connotations. So, the distinction between inland and coastal cities has to be considered as a relative one.

    In contrast to this, the characterization of the early Indonesian city as a conglomeration of compounds designed according to the principles of open space architecture for mainly perishable materials and based on the connection of people with the focus of power is imperative. It explains the adaptability of these cities which could easily be moved from one place to another when circumstances required, although some of them seem to have been stable for long periods. Basically they were as flexible as their inhabitants except for one highly appreciated urban asset, namely the fruit trees.

    Whatever the reality might have been, today’s pictures of the early Indonesian city are bound to be fragmentary. That is why ample room for interpretation exists and these images can play a significant role in contemporary discourses on important national and urban development issues.

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